Wednesday, February 27, 2019

The Chinese Massacre of 1603

The massacre of 1603 Chinese cognizance of the Spaniards in the Philippines Jose Eugenio Borao field Taiwan University From a historiographic point of view, the incident of 1603 acquires particular(prenominal) significance in the long atomic reactored and tragic history of Chinese massacres in the Philippines. For comp ard to undefiledly the tarry, this has been the best chronicled, non single(prenominal) in Spanish, b bely wish wellwise in Chinese sources. Moreover, ii accord in the pre playactation of facts and ar alike in the saying of pull d testifyts.When these sourcesespeci either(prenominal) in ally the Chinese acquire off their rate of the massacre, they refer to a remote, possibly plane un tie in, incident that is, nevertheless, significant. The tension started in 1593, when 250 Chinese were forcibly recruited to row the ships which Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, then(prenominal) Philippine regulator general, move to conquer the Moluccas Islands. Soon a fter they send sail, the Chinese in the rowlock ship symbolized a mutiny, assassinated Dasmarinas, and took over the vessel. Weeks later, the son of the bump off regulator, Luis Perez Dasmarinas, then tail endd in Cebu, desire vengeance to fall on the heads of the culprits.To do this, he asked for assistance from the Chinese authorities of Fujian, who wel get downd the young Dasmarinas ambassadors and offered them their abet as thoroughly. The guerilla episode happened 10 historic period later, in the alternate of 1603, when 3 worlddarins arrived in capital of the Philippines on a unusual relegating to reconnoiter a upsurge of funds abundant with trees that bore gold. This foretell raised the suspicion of the Spaniards in the Philippines, already so accustomed to intermittent threats of conquest, particularly from the Nipponese. They concluded that this was probably an advance caller for a in store(predicate) invasion of capital of the Philippines.At that ti me, the Chinese in this urban center were al to the highest degree 10 generation the pattern of Spaniards. The third ta poufs, the Sangley become, happened in autumn of that equal grade. The reasons for this uprising keep un sluttish. The motives range from the desire of the Chinese to dominate manila paper, to their needinessing to abort the Spaniards moves that conditionmed to maven to their elimination. after initial uncertainty as to who would ultimately win pop issue, the ascent was quelled by the Spaniards who, together with Filipino and Japanese troops, massacred ab bulge 20,000 Chinese.Both our sources in addition point to a much(prenominal) or less rough- supply epilogue. After the Spaniards first attempts at reconciliation and mainland Chinas in raynant reactions, both parties r apieceed a new compromise and the agitation easily vanished as though vigour had happened. Former contend relations were resumed, allowing the Chinese to settle over again i n manilla paper, even if both sides harbored grudges against each(prenominal) other for what had happened before. What I at once propose is to try to hold together musical themes on the massacre, both from the cognise Spanish sources and from the Chinese founts.The comparison whitethorn allow us to fracture lowstand the remote and proximate causes of the tragedy of 1603. Itinerario, vol. 23, none 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 1 The sources The Spanish gayuscript sources which document the massacre ar put together in their entirety in the General Archive of the Indies and were published almost completely in the Colin & Pastells, that is to say, the new edition of the work of Colin, d one and barely when(a) by Pastells in 19001. or so of them were reproduced immediately afterwarfareds and translated to English, in Blair & Robertson,2 and again soon after by Pastells in his joint work with Navas. These sources may be classified into both those released during the eventwhich serv ed as news updatesor unmindfully after the incident, broad a global view of what had happened and those that appear in the prevails that came come out of the closet virtually that time, situating the incident within the general context of Philippine history, as Morga4 does in his book, or as part of the conquest of the Moluccas, as Argensola5 approached it in his. The garner and reports from the liners of the Royal Audiencia of Manila, and those of the superiors of the unlike religious orders belong to the first type.These documents intend to fertilise personal viewpoints which, despite the fact that they contest each other, atomic number 18 non contradictory scarcely rather complimentary. Of course, all deplore the massacre even if they deem it a justified, though exaggerated, measure. At the homogeneous time, they differ chiefly in the analysis of the means that could entertain been swall stimulate to avoid it, or of the actions that indirectly provoke it. Argenso la tries to consolidate all the information that reached the court during the years immediately after the massacre (he published his work six years after the event), and personal reports from the main players of the verbalize event.Argensola may bewilder had the Augustinian Diego de Guevara as his principal source, because this priest moved to Madrid to attend to about of his orders concerns shortly after the incident. The work of Dr. Morga, eyewitness of the events, is briefer and simpler in tackling the topics and conclusions that were universe formulated in Manila immediately after the uprising (Morga go assembleifyh over(p) Manila in 1606). The Chinese sources, on the other raft, are semi formal and in that respectfore anonymous. They are briefer than those of the Spaniards, and seem to be less defensive, even if they in any case seem to reflect partisan tendencies. They usually ack right offledge provocation on the part of the Chinese expatriates, and yet refuse to be judged by fo triumphers. These documents around generation cite specific words or actions of an officer from Fujian, although they Francisco Colin, S. J. Labor evangelica, ministerios apostolicos de los obreros de la Compania de Jesus, fundacion y progresos de su provincia en las Islas Filipinas. Nueva edicion ilustrada con copia de nonas y documentos para la critica por el P. Pablo Pastells, S. J. , Vol. II, Barcelona, Imprenta y Litografia de Henrich y Cia, 1900, pp. 18-441. 2 Blair & Robertson, The Philippine Islands (vol. XII, pp. 83-97). 3 Pablo Pastells & Francisco Navas, Catalogo de los documentos relativos a las Islas Filipinas (vol. 5, Barcelona, 1929, pp. LXXVI-CVIII). 4 Antonio Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, Mexico, 1609. We apply here the version annotated by Jose Rizal, offset reprinting by the National Commission for the Centenary of Jose Rizal, Manila, 1961. 5 Bartolome & Leonardo Argensola. Conquista de las Islas Malucas, Imprenta del Hospicio Provinc ial, Zaragoza 1891. We consider used the following references Ming Shi (The narrative of the Ming Dynasty ), Ed. Ding Wen, Taipei, 1975, Vol. 11 (pp. 8370-8375) Ming Shi Lu (The True History of the Ming Dynasty), prepared by the Academia Sinica, Ed. Zhongwen, Volumes 12 and 13, Taipei, 1961 (pp. 12090, 123030, 12371) peal Xi Yang Kao (Studies on the Eastern and Western Oceans), Ed. Taiwan Shang Wu, Taipei, 1971 (pp. 57-60) Ming Ching Shi Wen Bien (Anthology of the Official Documents of the Ming Dynasty), Vol. 6, Ed. Zhunghua, Beijing, 1962 (pp. 4727-4728) Huang Ming Xiang Xu Lu Guo Que (National tolls), Ed.Ding Wen, Taipei, 1978, Vol. 8 (p. 4917). I wish to thank Prof. Zhang Kai for his invalu subject help in pointing out these sources, and my research assistant Lin Li-pin for his help in the translation of these materials. 1 Itinerario, vol. 23, zero(prenominal) 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 2 generally pre direct themselves as part of an official investigation that was as intimately up transmitted officially. Also, since the events happened outside China, it is difficult for the imperial officers to depone them, which is why they put forward brief and detached explanations.Nevertheless, the massacre of 1603 happened during a period of stability in the Ming Dynasty olibanum, their capacity to inquire into and annotate an event that happened outside their shores was much groovyer than, for example, the time when the massacres of 1639 or of 1662 took change shape up. The former happened on the eve of the fall of the Ming Dynasty, art object the latter was to a greater extent associated with the Ming resistanceat that time, Koxinga7 was dying in his Taiwanese hideoutthan with the Manchus, the new powers in China, who were tranquilize trying to establish themselves in the country.The incident of October 25, 1593 Let us now take a brief look at Argensolas answer for in Chapter 6 of his book. 8 He states that regulator Gomez Perez de Dasmarinas prepared quart et galleys to attack the Moluccas but had difficulty finding soldiers to man them. When the flagship was the only one leftover to be filled, he ordered that of the Chinese contract workers who were in approach the Philippines, 250 were to be taken to man the flagship. The Royal Treasury was to pay each one devil pesos a month and, in the best of cases, they were only to row in calm weather. The regulator forced the governor of the Chinese to get these 250 men who set sail against their go forth. Finally, on October 17, the naval conclave left for Ternate. However, as soon as the flagship moved a short distance off, and the Chinese oarsmen were put to workunaccustomed as they were to the caper and spurred on by brutal and menacing forementhe verbalize workers decided to stage an uprising, preferring to die in the attempt than to continue rowing for the Spaniards. The rebellion took flummox on the night of October 25, claiming the lives of the Governor himself and a great par t of the 80member Spanish crew.The bad weather persisted, which was why the mutineers only went as far as the Ilocos region, where they were assaulted by the natives. They left behind the surviving Spaniards, among them, Juan de Cuellar, secretary of the Governor and the Franciscan Montilla, both of who managed to reach the coast. Afterwards, the Chinese decided to sail to China, but set down in Vietnam instead, where the king of Tunquin seized their cargo and left the galley to sink in the coast. The Chinese were dispersed and they fled to the different provinces. 9 The Spanish survivors informed Manila of what happened.The rest of the navy based in Cebu under the command of the governors son, Luis Perez Dasmarinas, returned to Manila. in that respect, he was destineed interim Governor of the islands. Then a strange thing happened in 1594. In retrospect, this incident seems to waste served as a rehearsal for what was to happen next. That year, the Chinese presumed that the Span ish navy had left for the Moluccas Isles. As Argensola puts it, on that point appeared in Manila a great number of ships from China, without the customary propers, but rather loaded with men and weapons.On board were cardinal mandarins, counted As regards this massacre and the problems of interpretation that arise from consulting and comparing Chinese and Spanish sources, see my recent paper Consideraciones en torno a la imagen de Koxinga vertida por Victorio Ricci en Occidente. Encuentros en Catay, n. 10, 1996. 8 There are discrepancies surrounded by Argensola and Morga, although these are much a question of expands than of arguments. 9 Argensola, Conquista de las, p. 210 7 Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 3 among the senior Viceroys or Governors of their provinces nd they went to visit gain Luis with great pompousness and an escort of men saying that they were on the lookout for Chinese who were departure virtually those lands without indorse. 10 Dasmarinas welcomed them and gave each one a gold chain. In the end, he concluded that they had come either to conquer or to apprize Manila, but changed their minds when they saying the heading of the Spanish armada. Argensola adds that since the Chinese who killed Dasmarinas father were from Quan wampum, he send Fernando de Castro, a cousin of his, to that province to give an account of the mutiny.However, the trip out was forestalled due to the bad weather. It is note worthyy that neither Argensola nor Morga says that the Dasmarinas took advantage of the situation to take up the matter with the mandarins (although it seems that he did, as deduced from the Chinese sources that we shall now see). For example, the dong Xi Yang Gao is more than exhaustive in this respect. It states that Luis Dasmarinas (called Maulin here), immediately after renew his father, displace some priests to inform the Chinese authorities in Macao about the uprising.These priests bore a letter, the translation of which is conserved in the Chinese sources. It to a fault adds that the magistrates of Fujian continued to send merchandiser vessels to bring rump the Chinese who had been animateness in Luzon for too long. According to Argensola, this detail coincides with what the mandarins apologiseed to Dasmarinas. The Chinese chronicle continues The governor of Luzon provided these ships with food and also gave them a letter (addressed to the Chinese government). He verbally aired his complaints about the way the Chinese treated the murdered governor, his father.And he gave them an edict, sealed in a gold box which, together with the abovementioned letter, was intent in red silk and displace to China on a merchant vessel. 11 The one-third mandarins arrive in Manila ( may 1603) We have give tongue to that the abovementioned incident does not seem to have anything to do with the one that took step to the fore nine years later. However, the parallelism is great, as we shall now see. Th e events arising from the reach of some other radical of mandarins are wholesome documented in the Spanish sources. There are three types of information that are all complimentary.Those from the royal officials, that is, those from the Governor, bear Pedro de Acuna, as well as the listeners of the Audiencia, Jeronimo de Salazar and Tellez de Almazan, who luff themselves to be hostile to and queer of the governor. The sources of the ecclesiastics, and in the third vest, the information that the Chinese themselves give, and which they offer in esteem of the Spanish authorities. In particular, a letter written four-spot geezerhood before in the sea by Chanchian, the head of the Chinese expedition, and which is submitted to the governor who sends it immediately for translation.Likewise, two more documents corresponding to some petitions of Chinese to the Chinese emperor butterfly, which ended up in the hands of Archbishop Benavides who translated them. He move the king his own letter whereenriched after his own 10 11 Idem, p. 212. The Dong Xi Yang Kao contains the Chinese translation of Dasmarinas letter which he gave to the mandarins. Here, the very(prenominal) facts are inclined, except that the apparent motive of the uprising was more of esurience (the ship was loaded with much gold and silver) than of the cruelty received in the hands of the foremen of the ship, as Argensola would have put it.Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 4 inquirieshe makes a very complete analysis of the situation12. Though real we do not know if Benavides do them Public or not, and in that locationfore if they have to be considered as part of the information that the Spaniards had then. Gathering together all the reports (Argensolas and those of the two judges of the Audiencia, Jeronimo de Salazar and Tellez de Almazan, both hostile toward the governor, Pedro de Acuna), this series of events business leader have had taken place as follows Fri solar day, Ma y 23. Three mandarins come in Manila, displaying their insignias as judges.With great pomp and an entourage of 50, they sought an earshot with the Governor and gave him a letter written four days earlier in the high seas. In the verbalise letter, signed by Chanchian, array chief of Fujian, the mandarins expounded the reason for this trip. They wished to verify the existence of a fabulous tummy in Cavite, believed to yield 100,000 taeles of gold and 300,000 taeles of silver a year. They claimed that everyone could go and dig in that location and that the Chinese have already taken a great quantity of these metals back to China.Chanchian also indicated that he had with him a fellow named Tio Heng, the man who report to the emperor of the existence of the said mountain, as well as a castrate called Cochay, who received specific orders from the emperor to investigate the matter. other mandarin was present, besides Cochay and the immediate chief of Chanchian. 13 He added that he did not believe in the existence of such a mountain, and presumed it to be a lie. Nevertheless, the Governor had nothing to fear, since it was his duty to look into the matter.Afterwards, the Governor had them housed in special lodgings inside the city. The fact that they flaunted their insignias as judges and that the Governor allowed them to do so, incurred the ire of the members of the Audiencia. From May 24 to May 26 (Saturday to Monday), the mandarins begin to mete rightness on their countrymen. Meanwhile, Salazar, the fiscal of the Audiencia, carries out his own investigation. at heart this period, the governor allows the mandarins to bring their entourage to Tondo, where the Christian sangleys live. May 27 (Tuesday).Salazar presents a report in a public session of the Audiencia. The report is okay and the governor requested to jam the operations of the mandarins so that the investigations may continue. The corrasion between the Audiencia 12 It does not go along clear h ow Benavides obtained the two documents, and if he do them known to the governor or not. The first (document) is similar in structure to the letter which the governor received from the mandarins, the translation of which he sent to the business leader, but much more extensive and detailed.Therefore the said document maybe may be a different version from the letter, made by memory (since he possibly helped in the verbal translation of that thing) and holy a posteriori with his own investigations, since at the end of that letter he said I am a man who knows the language of these Chinese and I know a dissever about their things and customs of China by having lived with them for many months and I made it also because I take up this business with suspicion and care as these can be advisors who aim badly on it because of not understanding it (Colin & Pastells, II, p. 415).The second document, different from the letter, is a remonstrance of the emperor by one of his officials. The ma ndarins presented it to the governor with the intention of full- rickn more credibility to his own letter. Given that the Spaniards did not seem to take it into account, we go out not deal with it now, but we will go back to it at the end of our study for its clarificatory value. 13 Note that the spelling of the name correspond to the free style of transcribing that the Spanish translator had of the Fujianese pronunciation of the name ( the translation of the document that appears on Blair & Robertson, vol.XII, pp. 83-97, points out in the heading which was made by a Dominican). As will be seen later , the perchder in mandarin is as follows Chunchian seems to correspond to Gan Yi-chen, Tio Heng to Zhang Yi and Cochay to Gao Tsai. Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 5 and the Governor worsens. Moreover, the judges of the Audiencia complain of being relegated to the sidelines. In the following days, the Audiencia desisted its moves because the Governor at long last pub lished an edict prohibiting the mandarins from administering their justice and from flaunting their insignias.On the eve of their departure, they go to Cavite to see the said mountain. With them are Second Lieutenant Cervantes, as well as by the governor of the sangleys, Juan Bautista de Vera,14 who seems to have been around all the while. There, Tio Heng, un adapted to satisfactorily clear himself of the thaumaturgy, had the Spaniards bearing down on him with threats of death. However, the mandarins intercede for his pardon. The Spaniards grow even more suspicious. On the day of their departure, the Governor receives the mandarins and honors them with some gifts.As he sends them off, they apologize for the assemble they have caused and thus sailed back to China. We can better know the identities of these mandarins and advertise clarify the case by examining complimentary information from the Chinese sources. In this attempt to consolidate diverse information, we can conclude tha t the speaker of the group was the mandarin Gan Yi-chen (Chanchian in the letter), a centurion and was probably the military chief of Fujian. The second mandarin (not mentioned in the letter) was wide area networkg Shi-ho, the magistrate of the Hai Cheng district, where many of the Chinese immigrants came from.The third mandarin mustiness have been the castrate Gao Tsai (who appears in the letter as Cochai). Accompanying these three dignitaries were Zhang Yi (Tio Heng) and Yang Ying-long, who were the ones who informed the emperor in Beijing of the said mountain of gold. Yang Ying-long was some other centurion whom the Chinese sources accuse of collaborating with Zhang Yi (who probably used the formers garget to get an audience with the emperor and consequently win his favor).The emperor actually allowed the said expedition despite resister from various pile in his court who not only thought it a ridiculous project, but which could also be a source of trouble. According to the se sources, one magnate trust that the two magistrates Gan Yichen and Wang Shi-ho were also of the aforesaid(prenominal) opinion. In fact, the latter was so vexed that he died soon after they arrived in Fujian. The other magistrates reported Zhang Yis behavior to the emperor, demanding that he be punished for trying to cheat the imperial government and for bringing about its humiliation in a foreign land.The role of Gao Tsai, on the other hand, is more difficult to interpret. more or less sources picture him as the superintendent of the said Beijing expedition, while others show him as Fujians quartermaster general for tax revenuees, who makes a living off the Chinese oceanic trade. The Ming Shi Lu gives its version of the conduct of these three The diabolical Fujianese Zhang Yi, came up with an evil plan to propose the excavation of a gold mine in Luzon. exactly his real intention was to conspire with the castrates and provoke the barbarians.Yang Ying-long was his teammat eZhang Yi was beheaded and his head shown to the coastal provinces as a example to people of his kind. 15 Lastly, it is worth pointing out that the Chinese sources coincide with those Spanish ones in indicating that this entire trip had been the proximate cause of the Spanish suspicions and the subsequent massacre which took place four months afterwards. 14 A Chinese who arrived in Manila during the times of the pirate Limahon, whom he had served. At that time, he was appointed governor of the sangleys and was respect by the Spaniards and loved by the sangleys (Argensola, p. 30. He was also known as Eng Kang (Rizal), Encan (Argensola) and Encang (Tellez de Almazan). 15 MSL, Chapter 404 (Vol. XII. P. 12090). Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 6 But, the question is if the dispatch had been an advance party or not, and if it came to study the possibility of invasion of Manilawhether it was piratical or in an organized form. At the moment, the Spaniards could not know it, although an excess of suspicions could turn itself into an untenable situation that might end up out of control. It was only what happened.The massacre of 1603 a) The preparation On December 18, 1603, once the incident that we are about to see had ended, Governor Pedro de Acuna wrote the king an account wherein he exempted in retrospect his behavior during the whole event. He begins by saying that the arrival of the mandarins had made him suspect a assertable invasion from China. This was why his eventual moves, preventive and defensive in nature, were limited to the following 1. To create space, he ordered the demolition of the houses in the Parian that was adjacent to the walls of the city.This, at the same time, change by reversal some of the walls defects. 2. He asked the mayors of the district and the magistrates of the Parian to submit to him a list of immigrants under their jurisdiction and of the weapons in their possession. They were also asked to indicate whether the se people were to be trusted or not. The order was fulfilled. 3. He carried out rhythmical inspections of the artisans (blacksmiths, etc. ) in particular, and commissioned the manufacture of bows, arrows, pikes, etc. for the royal storehouse.At the same time, he ordered that all these weapons be collected and transported. 4. Just in case, he had provisions stored. 5. He hired sangleys to build a communication channel with the end of creating a moat for the city, if ever the need arises. Acuna also points out a distinction that is also mentioned in other Spanish sources that between the Chinese merchants, who have settled for years in the Parian, and the recent arrivals who were vagabonds and troublemakers who had nothing to lose and who could not return to China due to the crimes they had committed. 6 Acuna hangs the excite of the succeeding events on these Chinese, since they were the ones who paved the way for everything, in order to bring the merchants and the peaceful peop le to their side, convincing them that the measures that were being taken were meant to kill the Chinese. 17 The Chinese sources, on the other hand, also echo some of Acunas positions, but presenting these under an offensive point of view, coloring the thing otherwise and relating these to what directly affected them. For example, the Huang Ming Xiang Hsu Lu shows that the Spaniards repared for the massacre way ahead of time, since they began to demoralize from the Chinese all the metal objects that they had. The Chinese, on the other hand, sold all the iron they found because they saw that they could profit from it. (point 3 from Acuna). 18 This same idea is found in the Ming Shi, which also adds that the Chinese were obliged to recital their names and to be divided into groups of 30019 (point 2 from Acuna). 16 To better differentiate the Chinese groups, see Edgar Wickberg, The Chinese in Philippine Life, 18501898 (Yale University Press, 1965), pp. 6-11. 17 Blair & Robertson, vol. XII, p. 154 18 HMXHL, Chapter 5, Luzon. 9 MS, Chapter 323 (p. 8372) Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 7 b) The low Sangley uprising or Chinese pogrom? Another interesting issue to consider is that of who started it first. The Spanish sources (Morga, Argensola, Acuna, etc. ) emphatically state the Chinese staged an uprising. Benavides, the bishop of Manila, noted in a letter to the king that the multitude of Chinese was so great, among them, base and vicious men who spread the rumor (which is absolutely false, but not for them) that the Spaniards were handout to kill every one of them, which was why they provoked a rebellion on the night of the eve of St.Francis. They armed themselves and on that day killed several Spaniards who pursued them, among them, Luis Perez de Dasmarinas. 20 On December 18, when everything was over, Governor Pedro de Acuna told the king that harmonise to the investigations and what some of those involved had declared, it goes without saying that the uprising was instigated from China, and the stage set by all, if not some, of the mandarins who had been here. 21 According to the Spanish sources (since the Chinese are silent about it), the Chinese had also been girding themselves for it.The Chinese Juan Bautista de Vera had been constructing a more or less fortified zone half-a-league from Tondo (which Argensola calls a sugar refinery), where some provisions and arms were stored. c) The unfolding of events The actual struggle is already well known because it is what was most interesting to relate to the Spaniards. To summarize, we basically follow Morgas account The evening of October 3 (Friday). The uprising was scheduled to take place on the last day of November, but realizing that they were going to be discovered, the sangleys move it to the third of October.On this day, at 11 pm, about 2000 men (or agree to the sangley who was under torture, 40 captains to 150 men), begin to gather in the fort of Tondo. That night , Juan Bautista de Vera visits the governor to inform him of what was happening. Thinking that de Vera was in cahoots with them, the governor curbs him into prison. The Chinese, noting de Veras absence, appoint other Christian sangley, Juan Untae, de Veras godson, to replace him. 22 That same night, Luis Dasmarinas secures himself in the monastery of Binondo with a small group of soldiers.The Chinese fly into action, burning some houses and then returning to their fort. The morning of October 4 (Saturday). The sangleys of the Parian (that is, the peaceful old-timers identified with the Spaniards, some of whom are Christian) are asked to enter the city, but they refuse to do so due to doubts as to who would be the victor in this conflict. They decide to remain in the Parian. Dasmarinas pays Binondo for Tondo to fortify himself in the church with 140 harquebusiers. A cardinal and tail fin hundred Chinese rebels show up. There is a skirmish to take over the church.Five hundred Ch inese die, while the rest take out to the fort. Dasmarinas pursues them and dies in the attempt. The Spaniards are thrown into confusion. October 5 (Sunday). Realizing that de Vera was not going to come, the rebels kill Untae and coerce the Parian residents into joining forces with them. As they make for Manila, they ravage everything that comes their way. The city puts up a tough resistance and many men die. In the evening, they retreat to the Parian and to Dilao. The 20 21 Blair & Robertson. Vol. XII, p. 143. Idem, vol. XII, p. 155. 2 Sangley general Hontay (Argensola), or Juan Ontal (Tellez de Almazan). Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 8 Spaniards likewise press the Parian residents to side with them. Overcome by this mental stress, some Chineseamong them, a relative of de Verahang themselves. Both sides kindle themselves for a second attack. October 6 (Monday). Another assault and renewed resistance. A Spaniard, with the help of a Japanese corps, launches an unsuc cessful offensive. An armada of Pintados suddenly makes its way through with(predicate) the river and blasts the Chinese lines with canons.They divide themselves into three and penetrate the inland. One group makes for the Tingues of Pasig, another(prenominal) for Ayonbon Bayombong and the third, the most numerous, for Laguna de Bay, the mountains of San Pablo and the province of Batangas. October 8 (Wednesday) and the succeeding days The Chinese abandon the city. The Spaniards are hot in their pursuit. It seems that the first two groups are easily annihilated, since nothing more is said of them. The third group, starving and unarmed, leave a path of devastation. Luis de Velasco with 70 of his men is at their heels, killing many each day.Finally, Velasco perishes at the hands of the Chinese who set up fort in San Pablo. Argensola adds that the native Filipinos, instead of siding with the Chinese, lent a hand in the massacre. October 20. A new detachment of Spaniards, Japanese and 1 500 natives of Pampanga and the Tagalog provinces is formed in Manila. They soon finish off all the Chinese who secured themselves in San Pablo and Batangas. The rebellion is quelled. October 22 (Argensolas date). Juan de Vera faces trial. In the succeeding days, other Chinese carry out the same fate. Only 300 are pardoned, but the rest are sent to the galleys.The Chinese sources are less detailed in describing the operations, perhaps due to the handful of sangleys who survived. It is thus more difficult to establish a clear parallelism between the two accounts, since they cite actions that are not mentioned in the Spanish sources. Consequently, there is much discrepancy. The Ming Shi relates that when the Chinese discovered the Spaniards maculation to massacre them, they locomote to Tsai Yuen (which may be translated as the plantation and which may refer to Juan Bautista de Veras strategic fort and to Argensolas sugar refinery). 3 Then, the Spanish chief sent soldiers to go afte r them (this may well refer to Luis Dasmarinas move or to the arrival of the army of Pintados). The Chinese were unarmed. umpteen were killed and the survivors fled to the Talun Mountain. 24 The Spaniards attacked the mountain once more, while the Chinese put up a desperate defense. The Spaniards suffered momentary defeat, which their chief (probably the captain of the expedition or the Governor himself) regretted, moving him to negotiate a truce. The Chinese, thinking that this was some trick, killed the messengers, thus driving the Spanish chief to exasperation.He abandoned their mountain camp and retreated to the neighboring townspeople, simultaneously setting up ambush parties in the contact areas. The Chinese rebels were starving and so decided to go down the mountain and plunder the town,25 only to be ambushed by the Spanish troops. Twenty five thousand Chinese perished in the mas23 CHEN, Mattew. O. P. The Ming Records of Luzon, in The Chinese in the Philippines, historical Conservation Society, Manila, 1966, p. 250. According to the translators note, this place is the presentday San Miguel district, although we do not see any further proof to this. 24 Ibid.Matthew Chen, in another note, indicates that this place was close to what is now known as the city of Makati. The rest of the account probably recounts the travails of the first or second group of the three groups of Chinese who fled, since we know nothing more of their fate from the Spanish references. The data does not seem to refer to the third group that went to San Pablo de los Montes and Batangas. Moreover, this reference is unusual, since there are no mountains close to the Makati area. 25 Matthew Chen seems to assume that this town was none other than Manila. But neither is this clear. Itinerario, vol. 3, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 9 sacre26. The Dong Xi Yang Kao offers a different denouement to this last(a) massacre, coloring it with superstitious, even apocalyptic visions. It says that whe n the Chinese descended the Talun Mountain to attack the town, 10,000 of them were killed in an ambush, while others fled to the valleys and died there of starvation. Then it adds There was a strong downpour while they were on the Talun Mountain, and as they stood beneath the rain, they saw something shine out in the midnight sky. There was an earthquake. The Chinese panicked and began to kill each other by mistake.The Spaniards, victorious advantage of the situation, were able to kill many of them. That same month, a violent stream in Chang Chou took the lives of over 10,000 families. 27 The aftermath After the massacre, the Spaniards carried out three steps. First, the attempt to clarify if the uprising had been in connivance with China or not, and in connection with the coming of the three mandarins. Various testimonies given by the Governor seem to indicate this, but their validity is enigmatic since they were obtained through torture. The royal officials insist on the same i dea, e. g. , Argensola.Nevertheless, it is something which is never presented as sufficiently proved and that he insists that with the principal aim of justifying the killing. In this way, Juan Bautista de Vera would have been more of a scapegoat than the one responsible for a gang (Rizals thesis). Secondly, the Spaniards made an inventory of the goods of the massacred rebels, which they placed at the disposition of their families. This was made known through a mission to Fujian second, an attempt to resume the demand trade relations. As regards the latter, Argensola (who seems to have occasionally copied Morga in this point), explains that Capt.Marco de la Cueva was sent to Macao with the Dominican Luis Gandullo to inform the Portuguese of what had happened and so that they might be forewarned of rumors of war from China. At the same time, they brought letters for the tutones, aytaos and visitadores of the provinces of Guangdong and Fujian, explaining the conduct of the Chinese a nd the Spaniards response. What happened was not only known in Macao news of Spaniards in Macao and the reason for their presence there soon reached Quan Chou, which was why the wealthy Captains Guansan, Sinu and Guanchan, who regularly traded in Manila, went to see them.They gave their own conjectures about what really happened, brought letters to the mandarins, and advance the merchants and ships of Quan Chou to go to Manila. Cuevas mission was a success, for soon after his returnin May of 160413 ships from China arrived, filling up two ships bound that same year for New Spain with their cargo. Thus end the Spanish accounts. The Chinese sources, besides being very detailed (in this case, they were interested in formulating a more complete evaluation of the event), also coincide with the Spanish references.For example, the inventory of goods is mentioned in the Dong Xi Yang Kao The Spanish governor had all the possessions of the Chinese immigrants stored in big warehouses, marked with the names of their owners. Then he wrote the magistrate of Fujian, urging the relatives of the deceased to go to Manila to collect their belongings. But there was a Chinese 26 27 MS, Chapter 323 (p. 8373). DXYK, Chapter 5 Luzon (p. 59) Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 10 called Huang, a good friend of the governor, who, pretending to be a relative of one of the massacred, fraudulently went off with some goods. 28 However, what is even more interesting is the final evaluation made by the emperor and officials of Fujian who were then deciding on whether or not they should resume trade relations with the Spaniards. We came across two versions of the official act, the first of which is found in the Ming Shi The Magistrate Xu Xue-ju29 sent a report to the court. The emperor was shaken and began to mourn for the dead. On the 12th month of the year 32 (1604), he called on his official magistrates to investigate the case. These officials presented their conclusions in the court. The emperor said Zhang Yi, etc. ave deceived the imperial court and brought about conflict in a foreign land. Twenty thousand people and commoners have been massacred. They have disgraced our Empire. Their execution is not deemed an excess. They must be beheaded and their heads shown to all seas. But the governor of Luzon murdered people without license. We shall leave the officials to decide his penalty and they shall inform us of this. Hsu Hsue-ju wrote the authorities of Luzon, accusing the governor of massacre and demanding that the widows and children of the victims be sent back to China. For the moment, China did not launch a retaliatory attack on Luzon.Afterwards, the Chinese began to return to Luzon in trickles, and the Spaniards, seeing the positivity of commerce with China, did not prevent the Chinese from reestablishing themselves there. The Chinese population began to grow once more. 30 The second more extensive report is found in the Ming Jing Shi Wen Pien, wh ich contains the report made by the said administrative Commissioner of Fujian, Xu Xue-ju, who explains his move, and the memorandum he sent to the emperor, particularly the so-called Report to emperor butterfly Wan-li regarding the recall of Chinese merchants in Luzon, of the Ming Jing Shi Wen Pien31.Here, Xu Xue-ju begins to speak for himself, situating the problem, and declaring afterwards that he sent an edict-letter to Luzon after having reviewed the problem from its early stages. He acknowledges that Zhang Yis deception caused the massacre, and takes the blame for it. However, he considers the Spanish intervention, as unacceptable, unlicensed by the emperor (up to here, the anterior document is repeated almost verbatim).Consequently, the magistrate of Fujian clamors for vengeance, citing that what is most unjust in the Spanish maneuver is their non-recognition of the fact that the development of Luzon was greatly due to the intemperately work of the Chinese living there. Th ere was no response from the Emperor, and so he was sent another communication bearing the same message. The emperor ultimately rejected the move, basing his decision on these five points 1. Due to their long tradition in trade and commerce, the people of Luzon were practically their subjects. 2. The antagonism, as well as the confrontation, took place outside of China. . The merchants are humble folk and, therefore, not worth waging battle for. 4. These merchants, upon going to Luzon, abandoned their families without considering their filial ties. 5. An expedition to Luzon will only drain their armed forces. The theme was for certain discussed 28 29 DXYK, Chapter 5 Luzon (p. 60) The figure of Xu Xue-ju is both well known and respected (Dictionary of the Ming Biography, Vol. I, pp. 582-585). In 1591, he was appointed Assistant Commissioner for Surveillance in Hukuang and was soon after named Administrative Commissioner in Fujian, a post which he held until 1607.Consequently, h e was able to gather first-hand information on all the happenings, from their very beginnings. 30 MS, Chapter 323 (p. 8373). 31 MJSWB, Chapter 433 (p. 4728). Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 11 in the court, creating a great tension, and its reverberations were prolonged for a long time, even until 1605, when Mateo Ricci made some comments about it. 32 Thus, Xu Xue Ju was left with no other recourse than to end this letter with a warning to the Spaniards they should be grateful to the emperor, they must change their attitude, and they should restore the properties of those who perished in the massacre.Only with this shall trade be resumed. On the other hand, if they do not comply with these demands, then they would send thousands of warships with the families of the deceased aboard, along with mercenaries from the vassal states to conquer and divide Luzon among themselves. 33 Thus ends the letter sent to the Philippines. Conclusions To better understand the general edge of the massacre, particularly, that of the three mandarins, in Manila, the proximate cause of the massacre, we must make four contexts. Besides, they were perfectly alluded by Benavides in that letter he sent the King dated 5 July 1603, which was accompanied by those two singular documents already cited in the beginning of this paper. ) In the first place, it is proper to point out that the time in which these events took place was marked by a rearing increase of piracy in Chinese waters, as well as by the express prohibition that Chinese subjects engage in maritime commerce at a time when it was gaining popularity in the international arena. Consequently, it was common practice for Chinese patrons to seek alternative and profitable solutions.Under such circumstances, Manila was considered an important center for the export of silver in Southeast Asia (thanks to the coming of ships from New Spain), just when the demand for this metal was on the rise in China. Because of this, it i s not surprising that Manilas neighbors take interest in this fragile colony, or that new risks arise principally, the unexpected invasion of Japanese pirates and, from 1600 onwards, the appearance of Dutch pirates. (Olivier de Noort). Taken within this context, Manila was regularly flood with Chinese with eyes set on establishing themselves there.Now, even if this meant a percentage to the citys progress via their artisan skills, they increasingly posed themselves as a threat to the Spanish populace, who made up only 10% of the total number of Chinese in the city. The Chinese menace was certainly confirmed in 1593, when 250 hired Chinese contract workers assassinated the governor of the Philippines and also, presumably, in 1594 when seven mandarins appeared with great pomp and veiled motives at the guide of a fully-equipped armada and was indeed alarming when more mandarins reappeared in 1603 to mete justice on their compatriots.Authors like Argensola do not doubt their intentio ns. In their accounts, they throw in descriptions of how eight Chinese trade junks arrived in Manila while the mandarins were there, assuring the Spaniards of the real purpose of the Chinese conquest. Besides, he adds, while the mandarins pressured Zhang Yi to explain the existence of the mountain of gold, he would whisper according to the interpreters or naguatatos (Argensola said)that what he had wanted to say was that Luzon had so much gold that it was worth conquering. 32In the beginning of 1605, Ricci pointed out in a letter It was spoken much in the cort, and we feared that some harm could come from all these due to the possibility that it might be associated with the Spaniards. deal Jonathan Spence, The Memory Palace of Mateo Ricci, Penguin Books, 1985, p. 216. 33 This same letter was sent to the Spaniards who translated it. Argensola published it shortly afterwards. It is interesting to note that the two versions closely coincide with each other, but of the five points ind icated by the emperor, Argensolas translation only gathered numbers 1, 2 and 4.Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 12 The figure of Zhang Yi (a carpenter, according to Benavides) probably brings together the images of fortune hunter, pervert (as the Chinese sources put it) and escapist who see in Manilas regular influx of traders from Quan Chou and Chang Chou, the possibility of Chinese expansion and personal gain. Here is a man capable of conjuring his own utopiaa place where mountains produce gold. He not only ends up believing the tale, but also manages to stockpile the emperor himself to authorize an exploration. 4 Although the Chinese magistrates accused him of going out with all this to look for people to steal and to rob and to be a corsair (Chinese documents of Benavides). The conflict that was bound to take place with the Spaniardsmen also accustomed to pursuing an El Doradohad no other alternative but to erupt. In the second place, we should consider another fact that made possible the increasing acceptance of Chinese in Manila. The Spaniards, in particular, the Provincials of the religious orders, admitted that they have gone too far disobeying the royal ordinances that prohibited the growth of the Chinese population beyond 6000.This norm was obliterated by the profits gained from the granting of each new license. The Bishop of Nueva Segovia, Fr. Diego de Soria, thus commented it was a generally said that the number of Chinese in the uprising reached 23-24,000, even if the judges declare that they hardly came up to 8000, a figure which these same judges further reduced, because they are principally responsible for the uprising through the liberal granting of licenses to Chinese who wish to remain in Manila. These licenses were sold at five tostones each.There was a judge who was able to collect a total of 60,000 tostones, or the equivalent 30,000 pesos, out of the said licenses. 35 In the third place, and now setting our sights back to C hina, it is worth considering Wan Lis style of governmentconcretely, his politics of grant eunuchs as revenue agents and quarter master generals of the mines. 36 The system saw its beginnings in 1596 by 1599, it was already widely practiced. This procedure was meant to correct substandard tax legislation which, in turn, brought about a lax and misuse administration.Entrusting this function to eunuchs imposed a certain kind of general auditing system. But as the eunuchs carried out their jobs, they also interfered with the regular government functions. Besides, the posts were usually tenanted by fortune hunters and scalawags, owing to the absence of a precedent and a clear-cut process of organizing a regular staff. Sometimes, tax collection at the mines would be reduced to a form of extortion that would then be sabotaged by rival officers and more often than not, this reated social problems. 37 34 A brief observation A Frenchman, Rene Jouglet, passing by the Philippines in 1931, consultation about the treasures of the pirate Limahon, published in Paris, in 1936, an imaginative book called La ville perdue, where he mentions that the treasures of the pirate which may have been hidden in Cavite or Pangasinan thirty years before the massacre had been the cause of various Chinese expeditions, the last of which was in 1603.See Cesar Callanta, The Limahon Invasion, New Day Publishers, Quezon City, 1989, p. 69. 35 For this, see the letter of Fray Bernardo de Santa Catalina, Provincial of the Dominicans and Commissioner of the Holy Office (Blair & Robertson), as well as the adjoining note of the translator who comments on the Royal revise of June 13 (Barcelona), which restricted the presence of Chinese nationals in Manila. 36 See RAY HUANG, Lung-ching and Wan-li reign, 1567-1620 in The Cambridge History of China, Vol. , Part I, pp. 530-532. 37 We may sight the following examples. In 1599 inspector Ma Tang so provoked the merchants of Linqing (Changdong) that they b urned down his house and left him half-dead Cheng Feng, assigned as tax and mines inspector of Huguang, caused a mutiny among the inhabitants of Wuchuang textile mill work- Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 13 Taking into account these circumstances, it is easy to come up with a final, registration interpretation of the figure of the eunuch Gao Tsai.For one, among the many diverse possibilities one could think of, he might have been the one who defended the ambitious projects of fortune hunters like Zhang Yi or the corrupt behavior of officials like Yang Ying-long, against the courtiers of Beijing and the magistrates of Fujian, like Gan Yi-chen, Wang Shi-ho and, most specially, Xu Xue-ju. Benavides saw it clearly since the first moment Because the Emperor has men of gold and women of silver made and invited them to drink, so he sent a eunuch to each of their kingdoms and these eunuchs, to get gold and silver for the Emperor, impose a lot of taxes on he vassals, and the e mpire of Chine felt so crush with all this that publicly the Chines here the Philippines tell us that within two years more or less there 38 will be communities and uprisings in China. The figure of Gao Tzai appears again in the following year (1604), when the Dutch were in the Pescadores islands trying to establish trade with China. He sent a mission to the Dutch in the aforementioned islands, trying to wiretap gifts of high value for himself and for the Emperor.Dong Xi Yang Kao and Ming Shi notified the governor, Xu Sue-ju, and the officials of Fujian province to oppose the actuation of the eunuch by sending the touzy (Admiral), Shen You-rong, with a battleship to the coast of the province in order to stop the plans of the eunuch, Gao Tzai. 39 It is evident that the recent happenings in Manila had been the last vindication which Xu Xue-ju encountered in order to oppose the politics of the eunuchthis time with force, as shown in the presence of Shen You-rong. 40 ers of Suzhou st aged a demonstration against revenue agent Sun Long.In 1603 Wang Zhao, coal mines inspector of Xishan (Beijing), encountered opposition from among the miners who held a demonstration in Beijing. In 1606 Yang Rong found the revenue office burnt down by the miners of Yunnan. See also Bai Shouyi and others. In A Brief History of China, Vol. I, with editions in other languages, Beijing, 1984, pp. 348-349. 38 Colin & Pastells, Op. cit. , vol. II, p. 415. In fact, it is not strange the clarity of the observations of the Dominican Benavides about the eunuchs, since he knew in detail the recent experience of another Dominican, Diego de Aduarte, which preceded the ones cited in the previous note.In effect, Aduarte left Manila for Macao on September 6, 1598, with the aim of salaried the ransom for the Gentleman Don Luis in Canton. He arrived there 20 days after, and coincided with the eunuch, Liculifu (sic), who upon knowing the presence of the foreigner tortured him and extorted from him m ost of the money he carried. In the end, Aduarte had no other remedy but to borrow the money. The entire story is related by Aduarte himself in his autobiographical work entitled, Historia de la Provincia del Santo Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores de Filipinas, Japon y China, Zaragoza, 1693, pp. 14-219. At the same time, Mateo Ricci himself recounts how one of the catholic servants who acted as a place carrier, also in 159899, was robbed, murdered and thrown into a river because he denied paying commissions, everything was probably made in connection with the legal pressureaccording to Spencewhich were provoked by the eunuchs. See Jonathan Spence, Op. cit. , p. 215. 39 This theme was studied by Leonard Blusse in Inpo, Chinese Merchant in Pattani a Study in early Dutch-Chinese relations (1977), p. 294.Blusse mentions the Chinese sources and Gao Tzai mentioned as well how a strange individual with exotic tales such as the eating of live childrens brains how Shen You-rong, an exemp lary Confucian official who wrote a book collecting the panegyrics which his friends sacred to him. 40 You can read the resume of this person already cited in the Dictionary of the Ming Biography, vol. II, pp. 1192-1194. Shen You-rong gained prestige through this action, but Gao Tzai, resenting him, opposed whatever honorarium to be given to him, and in the autumn of 1606, obtained that he be sent to a secondary military post in the province of Zhejiang.Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 14 In the fourth place, and so that we may understand why the local magistrates of Fujian could not act on this problem according to their own standards, we are now going to consider the figure of Emperor Wan Li himself and his style of government, many times branded as indolent, loose and indecisive, making him disregard any unpleasant advice and the remonstrations of his officers. 41 His inaction encouraged partisanship which fostered antagonism between the emperor and his court.The e mperor became more go and his court dealings increasingly confined to written communication which, more than once, he would intentionally refuse to read. These descriptions of Wan Li perfectly explain the difficulties encountered by his officers, as culled from the Chinese sources their inability to put a stop to the exploration of the mountain of gold, their forced collaboration with this expedition out of refined call of duty, even if they knew that they were indirectly protecting detestable fortune hunters.Consequently, during the reign of Emperor Wan Li, the coastal provinces seemed to be very much cut off from Beijing, which was why the mandarins had to choose between loyalty to the emperor and lowly conflicts of local concern. And when the situation became out of hand, even persons like Xu Xue-ju (an honorable magistrate) sought pragmatic solutions to put an end to a hopeless predicament.This, at least, seems to be confirmed in Chapter 47 of Guo Que which makes a general su mmary of all that had happened in the months after the massacre The barbarians are afraid that China launches a punitive act against Luzon, which is why they sent some spies to Macao. However, the magistrates of Fujian and Guangdong did not want to report this. They only told the emperor half the truth, which is why the emperor only ordered the 42 people of Luzon stop creating more problems And thus the things remained as they were. 41 See Ray Huang, Op. cit. , pp. 514-517.We have a most invaluable testimony corresponding to the second document which Benavides translated and sent to the King of Spain, which carried a title he himself explains, Copy of the petition which the supreme magistrate of the province or the reign of hongkong gave to the King of China in order to persuade him not to listen to some Chinese who, in the year 1603, wanted to come from China to do battle and take the land of Luzon (Philippines) and that the King gave license and consent. Cf. Colin & Pastells, v ol. II, pp. 416-417. 42 GQ, Chapter 79 (vol. 8, p. 4917) Itinerario, vol. 23, No. 1, 1998, pp. 22-39. 15

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